Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

in my sleep

  • 1 spanje

    Slovenian-english dictionary > spanje

  • 2 spati

    Slovenian-english dictionary > spati

  • 3 sъ̀nъ

    sъ̀nъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `sleep, dream'
    Old Church Slavic:
    sъnъ `sleep, dream' [m o]
    Russian:
    son `sleep, dream' [m o], sna [Gens]
    Czech:
    sen `sleep, dream' [m o]
    Slovak:
    sen `sleep, dream' [m o]
    Polish:
    sen `sleep, dream' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    són `sleep, dream' [m o], sona [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    sȁn `sleep, dream' [m o], snȁ [Gens];
    Čak. så̃ń (Vrgada) `sleep, dream' [m o], snȁ [Gens];
    Čak. sán (Novi) `sleep, dream' [m o], snȁ [Gens];
    Čak. sãnj (Orbanići) `sleep' [m o], snȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    sǝ̀n `sleep, dream' [m o], snà [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    săn `sleep, dream' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: su(o)pno-
    Lithuanian:
    sãpnas `dream' [m o] 2/4
    Latvian:
    sapnis `dream' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: sup-n-o-
    IE meaning: sleep
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 1048
    Other cognates:
    Skt. svápna- `sleep, dream' [m o];
    Gk. ὕπνος `sleep'
    ;
    Lat. somnus `sleep, dream'
    ;
    OIc. svefn `sleep, dream'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > sъ̀nъ

  • 4 sъpati

    sъpati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `sleep'
    Old Church Slavic:
    sъpati `sleep' [verb], sъpljǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    spat' `sleep' [verb], spljú [1sg], spit [3sg]
    Czech:
    spáti `sleep' [verb], spím [1sg]
    Slovak:
    spat' `sleep' [verb], spím [1sg]
    Polish:
    spać `sleep' [verb], śpię [1sg]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    spȁti `sleep' [verb], spȋm [1sg];
    Čak. spȁti (Vrgada) `sleep' [verb], spĩš [2sg];
    Čak. spȁt (Orbanići) `sleep' [verb], spĩn [1sg]
    Slovene:
    spáti `sleep' [verb], spím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    spja `sleep' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: sup-
    IE meaning: sleep
    Page in Pokorny: 1048
    Other cognates:
    Skt. svápati- `sleep' [verb];
    Skt. svápiti- `sleep' [verb];
    Lat. sōpīre `fall asleep' [verb];
    OE swefan `sleep' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > sъpati

  • 5 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 6 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 7 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 8 drě̄màti

    drě̄màti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `doze, slumber'
    Page in Trubačev: V 108-109
    Old Church Slavic:
    \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    drěmati `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Russian:
    dremát' `doze, slumber' [verb], dremljú [1sg], drémljet [3sg]
    Czech:
    dřímati `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Slovak:
    driemat' `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Polish:
    drzemać `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    dřìe̯măc `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    drijèmati `doze, slumber' [verb], drȉjemām [1sg], drȉjemljēm [1sg];
    Čak. drīmȁti (Vrgada) `doze, slumber' [verb], drĩml̨eš [2sg]
    Slovene:
    drẹ́mati `doze, slumber' [verb], drẹ́mam [1sg], drẹ́mljem [3sg]
    Bulgarian:
    drémja `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Comments: It has been suggested that the Slavic root *drěm- is a contamination of * dreh₁-, cf. Skt. ni-drāyā́t (Br) 3sg. opt. `may sleep, slumber', and * dremß-, cf. Lat. dormīre `sleep'. A reconstruction * dreh₁m is in conflict with the accentual evidence, however. It is therefore more likely that *drěmati has a secondary lengthened grade vowel, which is not uncommon in intensives (cf. Klingenschmitt 1989: 81).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. ni-drāyā́t (Br) `sleep, slumber' [3sopa];
    Lat. dormīre `sleep'
    Notes:
    \{1\} In OCS, we only find drěmanie (Ps. Sin.) Asg. `slumber'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drě̄màti

  • 9 morà

    morà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `nightly spirit, nightmare'
    Page in Trubačev: XIX 211-214
    Church Slavic:
    mora ( SerbCS) `sorceress' [f ā]
    Russian:
    móra (dial.) `mythological female creature, ghost, darkness' [m/f ā] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    móra (dial.) `nightmare, house-spirit' [f ā]
    Czech:
    můra \{4\} `nightmare, mythological creature that suffocates people in their sleep, moth' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    mora, mura `demonical mythological creature that torments people in their sleep' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mora (dial.) `nightly spirit that attacks people and horses in their sleep, nightly apparition, nightmare' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    mùora (dial.) `nightmare, its female personification' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mòra `nightmare' [f ā] \{2\};
    Čak. Morȁ (Orbanići) `[personified] nightmare, female phantom (appears early in the morning, walks with the sound of a cat tripping;
    makes a habit of sitting on people's throats and nearly suffocating them' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    móra `nightmare, owl' [f ā] \{3\}
    Bulgarian:
    morá `nightmare' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: mor-eh₂
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 735-736
    Comments: The image of a (female) ghost who induces nightmares is apparently common to Slavic, Germanic and, possibly, Celtic. The root of this creature's name is unclear. Pokorny assumes a connection with *mer- `aufreiben, reiben; packen, rauben', which is not entirely convincing. For a discussion of the relationship between *mora and *mara, see s.v. *mara.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. mara `nightmare' [f];
    OE mare `nightmare' [f];
    OIr. mor-rígain `goddess of the battlefield, female demon' [f] \{5\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The noun also occurs in Ru. kikímora m/f `house-sprite that spins at night'. \{2\} The folkloristic belief that the mora is an evil female creature (witch, sorceress) is mentioned in Karadžić's dictionary (cf. the form from Orbanići). \{3\} There is a variant mȏra `nightmare, house-spirit, creature that at night suffocates people in their sleep and harms animals' ( Slovar slovenskega jezika II: 238. \{4\} In dialects, we find a variant mora.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > morà

  • 10 legti

    legti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `lie (down)'
    Page in Trubačev: XIV 99-100
    Old Church Slavic:
    lešti `lie (down)' [verb] lęgǫ [1sg], lęžeši [2sg]
    Russian:
    leč' `lie (down)' [verb], ljágu [1sg], ljážet [3sg];
    legčí (dial.) `lie (down)' [verb], lečú [1sg];
    legtí (dial.) `lie (down)' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    leči `lay (down)' [verb]
    Ukrainian:
    ljagtý `lie (down)' [verb]
    Czech:
    léci `lie (down)' [verb]
    Slovak:
    l'äst' (dial.) `lie (down)' [verb]
    Polish:
    lec `lie down, fall' [verb], legnę [1sg];
    ląc (arch., dial.) `lie down, fall' [verb]
    Old Polish:
    lec `lay (down)' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lèći `lie (down)' [verb], lȅžēm [1sg], lȅgao [ptm], lègla [ptf], lèglo [ptn];
    Čak. lȅći (Vrgada) `lie (down)' [verb], lȅžeš [2sg], lȅgå̄ [ptm], lȅgla [ptf];
    Čak. lȅć (Orbanići) `lie down' [verb], liȇžen [2sg], lȅga [ptm], lȅgla [ptf]
    Slovene:
    lę́či `lay (down), go to sleep' [verb], lę̑žem [1sg]
    Indo-European reconstruction: le(n)gʰ-
    IE meaning: lie (down)
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 658
    Other cognates:
    Gk. λέχομαι (Hes.) `go to sleep' [verb];
    Go. ligan `lie' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > legti

  • 11 ležàti

    ležàti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lie'
    Page in Trubačev: XIV 161-165
    Old Church Slavic:
    ležati `lie, be (situated)' [verb], ležǫ [1sg], ležiši [2sg]
    Russian:
    ležát' `lie, be (situated)' [verb], ležú [1sg], ležít [3sg]
    Ukrainian:
    ležaty `lie, be ill' [verb], ležú [1sg]
    Czech:
    ležeti `lie, lie asleep, lie ill' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    ležěti `lie, lie asleep' [verb]
    Slovak:
    ležat' `lie, sleep, lie ill' [verb]
    Polish:
    leżeć `lie, be situated' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    lìežĕc `lie' [verb]
    Upper Sorbian:
    ležeć `lie' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    lažaš `lie, rest' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lèžati `lie, be ill' [verb], ležȋm [1sg];
    Čak. ležȁti (Vrgada) `lie, be ill' [verb], ležĩš [2sg];
    Čak. ležȁt (Orbanići) `lie' [verb], ležĩš [2sg]
    Slovene:
    léžati `lie' [verb], ležím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    ležá `lie, spend the night, be ill' [verb]
    Macedonian:
    leži `lie, be in custody, be situated' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: legʰ-
    IE meaning: to lie
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 658
    Other cognates:
    Gk. λέχομαι (Hes.) `go to sleep' [verb];
    Go. ligan `lie' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ležàti

  • 12 lěgati

    lěgati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `lie'
    Page in Trubačev: XIV 182-183
    Old Church Slavic:
    lěgati (Euch.) `lie' [verb], lěžǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    legát' (dial.) `lie down' [verb];
    ljagát' (dial.) `lie down' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    lěgati `lie' [verb]
    Czech:
    lehati `lie down' [verb]
    Polish:
    legać (obs., dial.) `lie down (frequently)' [verb]
    Upper Sorbian:
    lěhać `lie, be situated' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    lěgaś `lie down, lie' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lijègati (se) `lie down, put to bed' [verb];
    Čak. līgȁti (Vrgada) `lie down, put to bed' [verb]
    Slovene:
    lẹ́gati `lie down, lie' [verb], lẹ́gam [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    ljágam `lie, lie down, go to sleep' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: lēgʰ-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 658
    Other cognates:
    Gk. λέχομαι (Hes.) `go to sleep' [verb];
    Go. ligan `lie' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > lěgati

  • 13 màkъ

    màkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `poppy'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 149-151
    Church Slavic:
    makъ `poppy' [m o]
    Russian:
    mak `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Czech:
    mák `poppy' [m o]
    Slovak:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Polish:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];
    Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ?
    Lithuanian:
    aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;
    mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    maguône `poppy' [f ē] \{2\} \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    moke (EV) `poppy' [f]
    IE meaning: poppy
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 698
    Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μήκων `poppy' [f];
    Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];
    OHG māho `poppy'
    ;
    OHG mago `poppy'
    ;
    OS magosāmo `poppyseed'
    ;
    OS mēcopin (Königsberg) `poppy'
    ;
    OSw. valmoghe `poppy'
    \{4\};
    Est. magun `poppy;
    Liv. maggon `poppy'
    Notes:
    \{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona2, magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màkъ

  • 14 migati

    migati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `blink'
    Page in Trubačev: XIX 26-28
    Russian:
    migát' `wink, blink, twinkle' [verb]
    Czech:
    míhati `shimmer, loom' [verb]
    Slovak:
    migát́ `move quickly, blink' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȉgati `blink, twinkle, move' [verb];
    Čak. mȉgati (Vrgada) `wink' [verb];
    mȉgati `blink, twinkle, move' [verb];
    Čak. mȉga (Orbanići) `flash (of lightning)' [3sg]
    Slovene:
    mígati `blink, wink, twinkle, swarm (with)' [verb], mȋgam [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mígam `blink, wink, flicker' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: meig-
    Lithuanian:
    miegóti `sleep' [verb]
    Old Prussian:
    meicte `sleep' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃meigʰ-
    IE meaning: flicker, blink
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 712

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > migati

  • 15 mȋgъ

    mȋgъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `blink, moment'
    Page in Trubačev: XIX 30-31
    Russian:
    mig `blink, moment' [m o], míga [Gens]
    Czech:
    mih `wink, twinkle, moment' [m o]
    Slovak:
    mih `wink, twinkle, moment' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȋg `moment, gesture' [m o], mȋga [Gens]
    Slovene:
    mȋg `moment, wink' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    mȋg `moment' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: mig-
    Lithuanian:
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 4
    Latvian:
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃meigʰ-
    IE meaning: flicker, blink
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    \{1\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} For a discussion about the relationship between this root and the root of *h₃migʰ-leh₂ see s.v. *mьglà.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mȋgъ

  • 16 bel(e)niti

    bel(e)niti; belnovati; bolniti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `rage'
    Page in Trubačev: I 185-187, III 159
    Russian:
    (uz)belenít'sja (dial.) `become infuriated' [verb];
    bolonít' (dial.) `pester, bore' [verb];
    bolónit' (dial.) `talk' [verb]
    Czech:
    blenovati (Kott: Bylinář Mathiolův, 1596) `chatter' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blániti (17th c.) `go crazy, rage' [verb] \{6\}
    Slovene:
    blẹncáti `talk in one's sleep, rave, chatter' [verb], blẹncȃm [1sg] \{1\}
    Bulgarian:
    blenúvam `be poisoned by henbane, day-dream' [verb]
    Macedonian:
    blenuva `dream' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel(e)-n-
    Page in Pokorny: 120
    Comments: Apart from denominative verbs meaning `to rave, to talk nonsense', expressions of the type "he has eaten henbane" conveying the same meaning exist in several languages, e.g. Ru. on belený ob"élsja, OCz. když sě komu přihodi, že by sě blena najedl, Cz. jako by se blínu napil, SCr. kao da se buna (bunike) nazobao (najio, (na)jeo).
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also belendáti `rave, phantasize' from Hung. beléndek `henbane'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bel(e)niti

  • 17 belnovati

    bel(e)niti; belnovati; bolniti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `rage'
    Page in Trubačev: I 185-187, III 159
    Russian:
    (uz)belenít'sja (dial.) `become infuriated' [verb];
    bolonít' (dial.) `pester, bore' [verb];
    bolónit' (dial.) `talk' [verb]
    Czech:
    blenovati (Kott: Bylinář Mathiolův, 1596) `chatter' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blániti (17th c.) `go crazy, rage' [verb] \{6\}
    Slovene:
    blẹncáti `talk in one's sleep, rave, chatter' [verb], blẹncȃm [1sg] \{1\}
    Bulgarian:
    blenúvam `be poisoned by henbane, day-dream' [verb]
    Macedonian:
    blenuva `dream' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel(e)-n-
    Page in Pokorny: 120
    Comments: Apart from denominative verbs meaning `to rave, to talk nonsense', expressions of the type "he has eaten henbane" conveying the same meaning exist in several languages, e.g. Ru. on belený ob"élsja, OCz. když sě komu přihodi, že by sě blena najedl, Cz. jako by se blínu napil, SCr. kao da se buna (bunike) nazobao (najio, (na)jeo).
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also belendáti `rave, phantasize' from Hung. beléndek `henbane'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > belnovati

  • 18 bolniti

    bel(e)niti; belnovati; bolniti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `rage'
    Page in Trubačev: I 185-187, III 159
    Russian:
    (uz)belenít'sja (dial.) `become infuriated' [verb];
    bolonít' (dial.) `pester, bore' [verb];
    bolónit' (dial.) `talk' [verb]
    Czech:
    blenovati (Kott: Bylinář Mathiolův, 1596) `chatter' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blániti (17th c.) `go crazy, rage' [verb] \{6\}
    Slovene:
    blẹncáti `talk in one's sleep, rave, chatter' [verb], blẹncȃm [1sg] \{1\}
    Bulgarian:
    blenúvam `be poisoned by henbane, day-dream' [verb]
    Macedonian:
    blenuva `dream' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel(e)-n-
    Page in Pokorny: 120
    Comments: Apart from denominative verbs meaning `to rave, to talk nonsense', expressions of the type "he has eaten henbane" conveying the same meaning exist in several languages, e.g. Ru. on belený ob"élsja, OCz. když sě komu přihodi, že by sě blena najedl, Cz. jako by se blínu napil, SCr. kao da se buna (bunike) nazobao (najio, (na)jeo).
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also belendáti `rave, phantasize' from Hung. beléndek `henbane'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bolniti

  • 19 blęsti

    blęsti Grammatical information: v.
    Page in Trubačev: II 115
    Old Church Slavic:
    blęsti `chatter, talk nonsense' [verb], blędǫ [1sg]
    Church Slavic:
    blęsti (RuCS) `lose one's way, talk nonsense' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    bljasti `lose one's way, talk nonsense' [verb], bljadu [1sg]
    Old Czech:
    blésti `lose one's way, talk nonsense' [verb], bledu [1sg]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blesti (arch.) `talk nonsense, blaspheme' [verb]
    Slovene:
    blésti `rave, talk nonsense' [verb], blédem [1sg]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: blend-
    Lithuanian:
    blę̃sti `sleep, stir flour into soup, talk nonsense, become cloudy' [verb], bleñdžia [3sg]
    Latvian:
    bliêzt `talk nonsense' [verb], bliêž [3sg];
    blenst `btalk nonsense' [verb];
    blènst `be short-sighted' [verb] \{1\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: The root *bʰlend- seems to be limited to Balto-Slavic and Germanic.
    Page in Pokorny: 157
    Notes:
    \{1\} In ME, blenst `talk nonsense' is accented blènst2 (blènzt2) or blênst2 (blênzt2). Blenst `be short-sighted' occurs with the unambiguous accentuations blènst\ and bleñst (1x). In some dialects, the latter verb has also preserved the root-final d.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blęsti

  • 20 grъměždžь

    grъměždžь Grammatical information: m. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `fester in the cornes of the eyes, gramiae'
    Page in Trubačev: VII 158-159
    Church Slavic:
    grьměždь (RuCS) `pus in the eye, gramiae' [m jo];
    greměždь (RuCS) `pus in the eye, gramiae' [m jo];
    groměždь (RuCS) `pus in the eye, gramiae' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    kr̀mēlj `fester in the corners of the eyes' [f i];
    kȑmēlj `fester in the corners of the eyes' [f i];
    Čak. krmēljȉ (Vrgada) `gramiae' [Nompm jo??];
    Čak. kȑmežalj (Orbanići) `sty, sleep (in the eyes)' [m jo]
    Slovene:
    krmę́lj `fester in the corners of the eyes' [m jo];
    krmẹ́žǝlj `fester in the corners of the eyes' [m jo]
    Other cognates:
    Lat. gramiae `viscous humour, rheum that collects in the corner of the eyes' [Nompf];
    Go. qrammiʮa `moisture' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > grъměždžь

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